Child poverty is a complex issue, and ending it in California—the state with the worst child poverty in America—isn’t going to be simple. The good news is that we know what to do. We’ve studied the problem, we have a good plan, and we’re confident that if we do our job and educate other Californians, we can do this.
Here are some answers to the questions we get most often. Take a look, then sign up to learn more and get involved.
Yes, California has the highest rate of child poverty in the nation. There are multiple ways the government measures poverty, and by the most accurate measure California ranks #1.
An older, and generally considered less accurate, calculation is the Official Poverty Measure (OPM), which sets the federal poverty level. It’s the same level, regardless of where you live. The OPM is still used, but it’s inaccurate enough that the Census Bureau developed the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM). The SPM considers other factors that impact families, like the cost of living in different regions and any income supports they may receive from the government. It’s generally much more expensive for a family to live in California than other states.
Think about it this way: The federal poverty line for 2017 is $24,600 for a family of four (meaning if you make below that, the government considers you to be in poverty and eligible for certain benefits). Obviously $24,600 goes a lot further in Mississippi than it does in California.
The bottom line is this: California is a rich state—the wealthiest in the country, in fact—but more of our people can’t meet their basic needs than in any other state. It’s not something to be proud of, but it’s the truth, and we’re going to do something about it.
Many issues contribute to California’s high poverty rate, including the unparalleled cost of housing. But there are other factors, including unequal access to education, health, mental health and social services, a large immigrant population that is afforded less economic opportunity, a criminal justice system that has a legacy of marginalizing poor people, and an underperforming safety net.
The bottom line is that we could be doing much better and our data-driven, holistic approach will ultimately return $2 for every $1 invested by taxpayers.
We need to address poverty in every aspect of a child’s life and throughout a child’s life. Our cradle-to-college approach will achieve better results while ultimately saving taxpayers money.
Here’s how:
It is critical to reach children at an early age because kids in poverty can fall behind in development as early as 18-months-old and 90 percent of a child’s brain develops before age five. That means voluntary home visiting programs that help moms access prenatal care and support parents until a child turns five, and affordable, high-quality childcare and preschool programs are all crucial.
We also need to make sure kids stay in school—54 percent of high school dropouts live in poverty. California’s young learners need access to after-school programs and tutoring that will help them graduate.
We will not succeed if we do not address income for working families, which is why we need to expand job training, increase welfare-to-work (CalWORKS) grants, and increase the state Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC).
We know that poverty is concentrated in specific communities, so our plan calls for the creation of California Promise Zones, where services are coordinated and agencies collaborate in the areas of highest need. This is a proven way to combine resources and help families trapped in areas of high poverty.
In addition, California must address the housing crisis so that affordable housing is available, and there must be comprehensive immigration reform so that immigrant families who are already contributing to our economy can fully access and participate in our communities.
There’s even more to it, especially the availability of good jobs and job training, but that should give you a good start. Backing all this up will be some of the most respected experts in the field, analyzing solid data to make sure our plan is working and money is being used effectively.
We all know it takes money to solve big problems. The good news is that this plan will more than pay for itself. In fact, taxpayers will get a 700 percent return on all investments in early childhood programs and two dollars back for every dollar invested in our kids throughout their childhoods. How? Reduced crime, reduced long-term social services, reduced child abuse, reduced foster care, reduced health care needs, reduced incarceration, and a surge in economic activity. Some of these programs are already funded, and they may be able to be implemented more effectively.
Think about it this way: It costs a lot less to lift people out of poverty than it does to ignore the problem and pay for the fallout later. We can either invest our money in prisons or in education and family supports. We think California is ready to put its money behind kids and families.
So let’s not sugarcoat it. As we see it, for each program or service that is part of the plan, there needs to be an analysis of what is now being spent and whether it is being spent efficiently, what federal or philanthropic funding may be available, and whether funding should be targeted to the children and families of greatest need. Following that process, there needs to be an examination of what state funding is available and, if insufficient, legislative consideration of potential new funding sources.
Yes: Child and adult poverty are absolutely linked. Part of our plan is to increase welfare-to-work programs like CalWORKS for low-income families and expand job-training programs. We also want to increase the state Earned Income Tax Credit (CALEITC) so the parents of these kids can keep more of their hard-earned paychecks.
Another issue that disproportionately affects families living in poverty is access to high-quality childcare. Many families can’t afford to have a parent stay home, or are single-parent families, but have low-income jobs that have irregular or unpredictable schedules that don’t fit a typical childcare schedule. Not to mention that the cost of care for two kids is the same, or greater than, in-state university tuition, leaving low-income families without good options. That’s why our comprehensive plan includes subsidies for high-quality childcare and the expansion of high-quality early childhood education.
Our focus is on children in poverty, and by helping them, we will help the whole family.
No, not at all. There’s a lot of misinformation about this and we should talk about it. Undocumented immigrants contribute $180 billion a year to California’s economy, according to State Controller Betty Yee. That’s not a “drain” on the state.
In fact, undocumented immigrants are denied many benefits despite paying $3 billion in state and local taxes in California. Immigrants also tend to have more restricted access to economic and educational opportunities.
And let’s talk about kids in immigrant families—88 percent of them are American citizens and represent the next generation of California’s workforce. We can spend our money increasing deportations, detentions, and building walls, all of which is incredibly expensive, or invest in our kids as a resource that will help fuel California’s economy into the future.
Bottom line: Undocumented immigrants give far more to California than they get back, and children in immigrant families will ultimately strengthen our economy, if we don’t leave them behind.
Regardless of immigration status, reducing poverty saves taxpayers money, across the board, no matter where people come from.
There really is no such thing as welfare, at least not how it’s implied by this question. That ended with Welfare Reform in the 1990s. Unless you are disabled, you can only receive public assistance if you are working or looking for work, and even then it’s not enough to live on. Many people who receive assistance actually have jobs, yet remain in poverty. It must also be noted that funding for these programs in California was drastically reduced after the 2008 Great Recession and has not been fully restored to pre-2008 levels.
A single adult who qualifies for CalFresh (food stamps) and CalWORKS (welfare-to-work) in Los Angeles can get up to a maximum of $189 a month for food only and $221 a month for general assistance (and it’s often less). That’s a total of $410 a month in a city where the median rent for a one-bedroom apartment is $1,350. Recipients have to constantly reapply and demonstrate that they are either employed or looking for work, and the benefits are cut off after a maximum nine months.
So let’s not pretend we’re being overly generous.
We do not give our poorest residents enough to live on, let alone escape poverty, and the primary victims are children. We need more oversight and accountability to make sure this money is used effectively and we need to combine resources to make sure that every available anti-poverty program is working in concert to maximize results.
Strong families and healthy, successful kids are what we all want, regardless of party. That’s a no-brainer, and research and political collaborations back it up.
A national poll released by the First Five Years Fund showed that 71 percent of voters (including 60 percent of Republicans) support greater investments in early education.
Support for quality child care is even higher: 85 percent of voters (including 74 percent of Republicans and 97 percent of Democrats) agreed that low- and middle-class families should have greater access to quality child care while their parents work or attend school.
Despite partisan politics, politicians keep coming together for kids and families. Still don’t believe us? Legislation we sponsored in 2017, The Lifting Children and Families Out of Poverty Act (AB 1520), passed the California State Assembly and Senate without one dissenting vote.
Finally, children don’t belong to a political party.